Well it’s clear from president Obama’s State of the Union poetry that we’ve reached the terminal phase of the old deal that’s been foisted on us, also known as the New Deal.
Back when the world was young president Kennedy told us that it was time for a new generation of leaders, “tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed…. who have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.”
Back then the danger to us existed from without.
And we did defend it successfully, with a rather large push from conservatives on both sides of the aisle.
As a result of the victory, today, the danger to freedom resides mostly within our borders, within the government, within the elite media that willfully ignores the objective news reporting.
The danger resides within our culture that views moral bankruptcy as a sort of promotional material to push market share and group benefits.
In his State of the Union speech, Bizzaro Jack Kennedy said: "Ask not what we are doing, just look at all the things your country can do TO you!"
He celebrated the sainthood of single motherhood, ignoring the fact that the two greatest indicators of poverty in contemporary society are being 1) a woman and 2) unmarried with children.
But unlike other saints, single mothers didn’t take the requisite vow of chastity, did they?
On foreign affairs and defense Bizzaro Jack Kennedy let every nation know that we will pay no costs, bear no burden, meet no hardship, support no friend, oppose no foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
Liberty is an outdated concept, after all, mentioned not once by the president, even as 72 percent of Americans fret that government provides the greatest threat to our future.
Instead, we will be the great enabler of Middle East instability, the acceleration of chaos and civil war there and ultimately the armorer of a nuclear Iran.
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“If John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan could negotiate with the Soviet Union,” says Bizzaro Jack Kennedy, “then surely a strong and confident America can negotiate with less powerful adversaries today.”
As if.
This government can’t even negotiate a website service contract or a green energy loan without getting snookered.
Sovereign states, which, unlike you and I, aren’t under the thumb of the Department of Justice or the IRS or the NSA, regularly and increasingly give our diplomats a counter proposal that looks and sounds like a raspberry.
Here at home, the case of Sergeant First Class Cory Remsburg was cited by Bizzaro as an example of the “honor and support [of] our remarkable military families.”
Remsburg was injured in Afghanistan, with a resulting months-long coma, during Obama’s so-called surge strategy; the strategy that then-Secretary of Defense Robert Gates says Obama never supported. This despite the fact that Bizzaro campaigned on an Afghan surge as a counterpoint to the Iraqi surge operation.
“Hillary told the president that her opposition to the surge in Iraq had been political because she was facing him in the Iowa primary,” writes Gates. “The president conceded vaguely that opposition to the Iraq surge had been political. To hear the two of them making these admissions, and in front of me, was as surprising as it was dismaying.”
And Obama never believed in his own Afghan surge.
“As I sat there,” remembered Gates, “I thought: the president doesn’t trust his commander, can’t stand [Afghanistan President Hamid] Karzai, doesn’t believe in his own strategy, and doesn’t consider the war to be his. For him, it’s all about getting out.”
Quite frankly, Obama’s surge happened not for military reasons, but purely for political reasons, just as the opposition to the Iraqi surge was all about politics too.
Sergeant First Class Remsburg, in other words, was critically injured so that Obama could say he kept the promise of an Afghan surge, a strategy he knew would fail.
And it’s one of the few promises that Obama has kept.
It will be noted that the Democrats tried to keep the paychecks of servicemen like Cory Remsberg from going out amongst the brinksmanship of the debt ceiling and budget negotiations.
That’s how they honor our troops in Bizzaro’s world.
It illustrative of the emptiness of his conscience that he’s broken many promises in the pursuit of social engineering that has failed, yet kept this one promise he meant would fail.
And he now calls both successes.
And that explains so much about the state of our union today.
The New Deal has now become a tired old deal. It props up a class of politicians tempered by nothing, disciplined by nothing and trying desperately to forget our proud and ancient heritage of liberty in our hour of maximum danger.
The Kennedy Inaugural Address:
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice president Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe-the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge--and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom-and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens . . . (and) let the oppressed go free."
And if a beach-head of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again-not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
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