So, Who Will Replace Marjorie Taylor Greene in Georgia?
So, the White House Just Released Numbers on Trump's Tax Cuts. What They...
Wait, Mamdani Got Cozy With Another Terrorist at a Public Event. The Gracie...
Fani Willis Wants to Fight Trump on Recouping Legal Fees. This Is What the...
New Poll Could Show Who's Leading In the Texas Republican Senate Primary
Tennessee Bill Would Place Foster Children In Detention Even If They Haven't Been...
Tim Walz, the Biggest Fraudster of Them All
Chicago Kids Can't Read, but Their Teachers Can Protest for Iran
Left-Wing Activists Are Training Juries to Sabotage Trump DOJ Cases
Deconstructing the Latest Epstein Mania
Senator Tom Cotton Draws a Line Between True Conservatives and Antisemitic Influencers
Steve Witkoff Reveals Just How Much Weapons-Grade Uranium Iran Had Before Operation Epic...
Trump Is Bringing Historic Changes to the U.S. Energy Sector
What the NYC ISIS Bombers Had In Their Storage Unit Was Insane
GOP Will Bring SAVE Act to the Floor to 'Put Democrats on the...
OPINION

Now More Than Ever, Courts Should Police Administrative Agencies

The opinions expressed by columnists are their own and do not necessarily represent the views of Townhall.com.
Now More Than Ever, Courts Should Police Administrative Agencies

Under the Bush administration, the Labor Department interpreted a piece of the Fair Labor Standards Act as exempting mortgage-loan officers from eligibility for overtime pay. The Obama Labor Department didn’t see the law the same way, however, and issued a re-interpretation.

Advertisement

This was a worrying development for the Mortgage Bankers Association, which represents banks that relied on the original interpretation and whose interests were greatly affected by the re-interpretation, but were given neither notice nor the chance to comment on the change. The MBA thus sued the Labor Department, arguing that the re-interpretation violated the Administrative Procedure Act, the 1946 law that determined (among other things) the processes that agencies must go through when exercising their “interpretive” and “legislative” powers—that is, when they interpret laws and when they make their own regulations.

Under the APA, agencies have to give affected parties notice and the opportunity for comment when making legislative rules, but do not have to do so when they merely make interpretive rules. The MBA argued that the APA requires an agency to go through the notice-and-comment process when it changes its interpretation of a law or regulation to such a degree that it is effectively making a legislative rule.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit agreed with the MBA, and now the Supreme Court has decided to review the case. The government argues that agencies are due deference when they change the application of a law through interpretive rules—so long as they come in the form of an interpretation—and that the courts don’t get a say regarding when this action becomes a legislative rulemaking.

Advertisement

Cato disagrees with the government’s position—if there’s anything our country needs, it’s notfewer checks on the administrative state—and has filed a brief supporting the MBA, joined by the Competitive Enterprise Institute and the Judicial Education Network, and with former White House Counsel Boyden Gray as co-counsel. In our brief, we examine the APA’s framers’ goal of rebutting the government’s assertion of administrative power. We argue that the boundary between “interpretive” and “legislative” rules is a blurry one that should be policed by the courts. The APA’s architects assumed that the courts would play such a role; they wouldn’t have made interpretive rulemaking so procedurally easy otherwise. Scholarly sources and legislative history agree that judicial review is necessary—for example, determining when “interpretive” flip-flopping necessitates greater due-process protection—to protect those whose livelihood depends on relying on and complying with agency interpretations.

In sum, our brief looks to history to make clear a few important points that only the government would dispute. In a time when more people’s lives are staked on administrative rulings than ever before, we shouldn’t weaken the APA’s due-process protections. This case boils down to the government’s desire for agencies to more easily exercise power and for the subjects of regulations to have a harder time challenging that awesome authority. We, with the APA’s framers, think it should be the other way around.

Advertisement

The Supreme Court will hear oral argument in Perez v. Mortgage Bankers Association on December 1.

This blogpost was coauthored by Cato legal associate Julio Colomba.

Join the conversation as a VIP Member

Recommended

Trending on Townhall Videos

Advertisement
Advertisement
Advertisement