Opponents of the Henry Paulson bailout plan are prepared to try an economic experiment: Is it possible to have capitalism without capital?
All year, John McCain has been like the proverbial cartoon character over the edge of the cliff, in midair, desperately flapping his arms and somehow maintaining altitude.
Who's responsible for the panic of 2008? In the gathering legend, it's one man, former Sen. Phil Gramm, the ex-John McCain adviser who lamented "a nation of whiners" a few months ago and therefore is fit to have responsibility for one of the nation's worst financial crises heaped on his head.
One of the era's great illusions was spun by President Bush -- that the force of freedom was so irresistible, it would prevail in a place like Iraq even in the absence of law and order.
A crucial turning point in the presidential race came when the McCain campaign ended its candidate's habitual informal interactions with the press.
In his classic book on the Vietnam War, "Dereliction of Duty," H.R. McMaster excoriates the Joint Chiefs of Staff for acceding to President Lyndon Johnson's flawed war plan and his dishonest salesmanship of it. McMaster dubs them "the five silent men."
Perhaps nothing Sarah Palin said in her boffo address at the Republican Convention had as much resonance as her statement that "sometimes even the greatest joys bring challenge."
Who is president of the United States again? Oh, yeah, he's the guy whose speech at the Republican Convention was canceled Monday night, with a sense of palpable relief from party mandarins.
Palin is the object of the cultural disdain of a left that loves the working class in theory, but is mystified or offended by its lifestyle and conservative values in reality.
If we've learned anything about presidential politics during the past 40 years, it's that America elects Democrats who are moderates from the South.
Barack Obama had a mini Bob Dole moment after the Saddleback presidential forum the other night.
A vice-presidential pick is always important, but John McCain confronts a starkly existential choice this year.
President Bush's assurance back in 2001 that he looked into Vladimir Putin's soul and liked what he saw was the international equivalent of his "heckuva job" boosterism of Federal Emergency Management Agency Director Michael Brown.
"It's almost as if they take pride in being ignorant," Barack Obama mused the other day, blasting Republicans for ridiculing his exhortation to the nation to make sure its tires are properly inflated.
When Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's three-volume chronicle of the Soviet prison system appeared in the West in the early 1970s, it delivered a decisive blow to the moral standing of Soviet communism.
Jesse Jackson must have been forgiven by the Obama campaign and welcomed into its inner circle. Because it sure seems as if he's giving the campaign advice.
If elected, Barack Obama might make history in more ways than one. He will be the country's first black president, but also -- perhaps as consequentially -- could be its first transnational president.
Politically, John McCain should be a candidate for involuntary committal -- he's a danger to himself.
The global market for oil has, in the imagination of Washington, a mysterious quality that should occupy academic economists for a long time.
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