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Sunday, January 04, 2009
George Will :: Townhall.com Columnist
Supreme Discrimination
by George Will
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WASHINGTON -- Like pebbles tossed into ponds, important Supreme Court rulings radiate ripples of consequences. Consider a 1971 Supreme Court decision that supposedly applied but actually altered the 1964 Civil Rights Act.

During debate on the act, prescient critics worried that it might be construed to forbid giving prospective employees tests that might produce what was later called, in the 1971 case, a "disparate impact" on certain preferred minorities. To assuage these critics, the final act stipulated that employers could use "professionally developed ability tests" that were not "designed, intended or used to discriminate."

Furthermore, two Senate sponsors of the act insisted that it did not require "that employers abandon bona fide qualification tests where, because of differences in background and educations, members of some groups are able to perform better on these tests than members of other groups." What subsequently happened is recounted in "Griggs v. Duke Power: Implications for College Credentialing," a paper written by Bryan O'Keefe, a law student, and Richard Vedder, a professor of economics at Ohio University.

In 1964, there were more than 2,000 personnel tests available to employers. But already an Illinois state official had ruled that a standard ability test, used by Motorola, was illegal because it was unfair to "disadvantaged groups."

Before 1964, Duke Power had discriminated against blacks in hiring and promotion. After the 1964 act, the company changed its policies, establishing a high school equivalence requirement for all workers, and allowing them to meet that requirement by achieving minimum scores on two widely used aptitude tests, including one that is used today by almost every NFL team to measure players' learning potentials.

Plaintiffs in the Griggs case argued that the high school and testing requirements discriminated against blacks. A unanimous Supreme Court, disregarding the relevant legislative history, held that Congress intended the 1964 act to proscribe not only overt discrimination but also "practices that are fair in form, but discriminatory in operation." The court added:

"The touchstone is business necessity. If an employment practice which operates to exclude Negroes cannot be shown to be related to job performance, the practice is prohibited."

Thus a heavy burden of proof was placed on employers, including that of proving that any test that produced a "disparate impact" detrimental to certain minorities was a "business necessity" for various particular jobs. In 1972, Congress codified the Griggs misinterpretation of what Congress had done in 1964. And after a 1989 Supreme Court ruling partially undid Griggs, Congress in 1991 repudiated that 1989 ruling and essentially reimposed the burden of proof on employers. Continued...

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About The Author
George F. Will is a 1976 Pulitzer Prize winner whose columns are syndicated in more than 400 magazines and newspapers worldwide.
 
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Revisionist History
Is the backbone of much of the "diversity" beliefs. That is why nobody blinks when even people who have no connection with being a member of a formerly oppressed group (someone like Obama) is considered a "minority" who deserves preferential treatment. As you will see on this board, people simply insist because you look a certain way ("you are white") you are connected to some current and historical oppression. Facts are irrelevent. It does not actually matter that Obama's ancestors owned black slaves -- it does not matter that some "Hispanics" are descended from people who conquered huge amounts of land, owned slaves and killed millions of American Indians.

It is purely based upon what you look like -- connected with laws that hypothetically might have discriminated against somebody from Kenya or Nepal -- if anyone from that heritage had lived in America in 1900 (few, if any did -- those that did were likely diplomats who did not receive such mistreatment).

People think what the Irish went through is some sort of joke -- that should be no more tolerable than thinking that the Nazi treatment of Jews was funny. The suffering of the Irish lasted hundreds of years -- and they twice were hit with wide scale deaths where perhaps 1/3 of them died inside of 5 years (19th century 1845-50 and under Cromwell in the 17th century).

Warrior is right
25 years ago it was also permissible to question affirmative action on college campuses without being terminated or attacked for being a racist. The Duke lacrosse debacle would not have happened 25 years ago. Policies have been modified a little bit -- but preferential treatment is mandatory in the name of diversity with (1) public contracting, (2) large businesses (in part due to public contracting, in part due to the costs of litigation), education (hiring professors, admission of students, granting of scholarships).

How was it possible for Paul Robeson to achieve before 1920? Even though we had discriminatory laws, there were places that tried to treat blacks fair.

You cannot even think of making any of the kind of factual points that I make if you work at a university, government or a big business. However, if you make Ward Churchill or Jeremiah Wright racist statements -- what you say is excused.
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