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Monday, May 19, 2008
Dinesh D'Souza :: Townhall.com Columnist
Gay Rights vs. Democracy
by Dinesh D'Souza
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It is the essence of democracy that people should be able to decide the moral rules that govern the nature of a community. If people don't have that power, then they are living under an autocracy.

True, this majority rule is not unlimited. It is limited by what the government has the power to do. Consequently the majority cannot, in general, vote to seize the homes and accumulated savings of rich people. Leaving aside exceptional cases, government cannot mandate how parents how should raise their children. These kinds of power lie outside the scope of government in a free society.

Majority rule is also circumscribed by individual rights. But these are the rights clearly specified in the Constitution. A majority of citizens cannot prevent an individual from voting because voting is a basic right, as is the right to freedom of speech and freedom of religion, and so on. The state is constitutionally prohibited from undermining these enumerated rights.

Now the high court of California has made gay marriage into a right that is immune from restriction by the majority of citizens in the state. We already know what California citizens think about gay marriage: they oppose it. A referendum outlawing gay marriage was passed with the support of the state's voters. More than 60 percent of voters cast their ballots against gay marriage.

How, then, can a court invalidate the referendum and over-rule the will of the people? Basically through a kind of legal fraud. The court has to pretend that there is a right to gay marriage even though it is nowhere evident in the state constitution. Read the constitution, hold it up to the light, squeeze lemon juice on it--you won't see a right to gay marriage in there. It is simply not an enumerated right, nor is it a right that can be clearly derived from other enumerated rights.

In issuing its ruling the California court appealed to the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The basic logic is that gays have a right to be treated like everyone else. But just like everyone else, gays do have the right to marry. They have the right to marry adult members of the opposite sex! What gay activists want is something else: the right to marry members of the same sex. This is not a right currently enjoyed by anyone. What these gay activists seek is not equal treatment but rather to change the definition of marriage.

But states have a legitimate right to define marriage. State legislatures, drawing on tradition and appealing to the values of their constituents, have defined marriage in a very particular way. Marriage requires a) two people who are b) of legal age and c) not closely related to each other who are d) one male and one female. Note that this definition excludes people who want to marry children, or guys who want to marry their sisters, or Muslims who want to take four wives, or that strange guy who wants to marry his dog. Continued...

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About The Author
Dinesh D'Souza's new book Life After Death: The Evidence is published by Regnery.
 
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jediwarrior -- you wrote...CONTINUED
jediwarrior – you forget that the state courts, like the federal courts, are also empowered to recognize the existence of discrete and insular minorities and to craft judicial policy accordingly (I refer you to the “Footnote Four” approach to constitutional analysis embraced by state and federal courts, this reference being to the famous footnote in United States v. Carolene Products Co., 304 U.S. 144 (1938), in which case the US Supreme Court alluded (albeit in obiter dictum) to a much more searching standard of review to be applied in specific circumstances, which John Hart Ely (Democracy and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review) examined and explained when he elaborated on the concept of a “democratic malfunction”). There is more to constitutional adjudication than simply looking up the classification to see if it is referenced in the text of the Constitution and declaring an issue to be justiciable if and only if it is referenced somewhere in the text of the Constitution. Your approach calls for the complete exclusion of massive swathes of subject matter jurisdiction from appellate review, to the extent that the courts would be more or less neutered with respect to imposing their structural and procedural checks against overreaching by the other two branches of government – hardly something that the Court had in mind in handing down Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803). Your approach would almost entirely eliminate judicial review, and would limit the role of the courts to mere statutory interpretation without constitutional adjudication.

Perhaps this is what you desire – if so, we are on entirely different terms!


PHILIP CHANDLER

jediwarrior -- you wrote...CONTINUED
In fact, many commentators have argued that the US Supreme Court applied a considerably more searching standard of review than mere rational basis review in Lawrence, supra (the First and Ninth Circuits have both held, in decisions that survived en banc calls in both circuits, that the Lawrence Court actually applied intermediate-level review (Ninth Circuit), and that the Lawrence Court actually applied a balancing of constitutional interests that defy either the strict scrutiny or rational basis labels (First Circuit)).

In California state constitutional jurisprudence, the California Supreme Court went much, much further, explicitly declaring that gay men and lesbians constitute a “suspect class” under state equal protection considerations (this aspect of the in re Marriage Cases (2008) decision survived passage of Proposition 8 in California, and remains binding on all of the state courts in California). From now onwards, in all contexts with the single exception of marriage, gay Californians enjoy the presumption that any measure that classifies on the basis of sexual orientation is unconstitutional. This is a precept of “strict scrutiny”, which attaches when the group in question has been declared to be a suspect class, as has been done with respect to gay persons in the State of California.

CONTINUED
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