As antisemitism surges across the country, particularly online, the CEO of the Anti-Defamation League revealed last week that he is quietly working with lawmakers, including Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas, to combat the growing threat.
“I think the only way we are going to defeat the rise in antisemitism on the right is from the right,” Greenblatt said during a panel interview last week. “Nick Fuentes is disgusting, Tucker Carlson is disgusting, Candace Owens is disgusting, and so on, but there have been good people like Ted Cruz and Ben Shapiro and Mark Levin [and] Speaker [Mike] Johnson pushing back on these revolting lunatics.”
“We definitely are working a lot to try to get the platforms to kind of enforce their own terms of service so that we can pull down the most offensive hate speech or get them to do it,” he continued. “What I try to do at ADL, what we try to do is provide data, is to provide tools, is to step up often quietly behind the scenes.”
"Republican senator/presidential candidate working with the anti-white ADL to suppress speech," Carlson wrote in response to the clip. "You can see why people begin to wonder about the system we currently have."
Republican senator/presidential candidate working with the anti-white ADL to suppress speech. You can see why people begin to wonder about the system we currently have. https://t.co/TCoy1lV0Fl
— Tucker Carlson (@TuckerCarlson) January 15, 2026
Tucker Carlson was named “Antisemite of the Year” last year following a series of bizarre interviews in which he entertained the notion that Winston Churchill was the chief villain of World War II, gave a platform to a virulent neo-Nazi with little to no serious pushback, and repeatedly insisted he was “just asking questions.” As Ben Shapiro dryly noted at the time, asking questions is a skill even his five-year-old can manage; journalism, by contrast, requires the effort to seek out and present actual answers. A skill Carlson has been incapable of recently.
Any alliance with the ADL is bound to raise eyebrows among conservatives who have spent the last decade on the receiving end of institutionalized cancel culture, often for expressing views that now fall squarely within the political mainstream. That skepticism is understandable. Conservatives have long opposed the weaponization of social pressure, deplatforming, and reputational destruction as tools for enforcing ideological conformity.
At the same time, dismissing the rise in antisemitic hatred, particularly online, because of who is raising the alarm is not a serious response. While it remains unclear whether the ADL can or will resist the same cancel-culture impulses it has historically embraced, the term itself has also been stretched beyond recognition. In the last year, even straightforward denunciations of political speech have been labeled “cancel culture,” prompting figures like Megyn Kelly to reflexively defend voices such as Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens.
There should be no endorsement of cancel culture, ever. But opposing it does not absolve conservatives of the responsibility to confront the growing antisemitism that has taken root in corners of the right’s online ecosystem. Aside from a handful of figures, including Ben Shapiro, there is little evidence of a coordinated or effective effort to push back. Much of this hatred originates in the digital world, and while its real-world impact remains difficult to quantify, ignoring it altogether risks allowing it to metastasize unchecked.
Principle requires consistency, and consistency demands rejecting both censorship and bigotry, without exception.
