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Monday, June 22, 2009
Paul Greenberg :: Townhall.com Columnist
Hungary 1956, Iran 2009
by Paul Greenberg
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Liberty is not something that can be rationed; one freedom leads to another. Iran's demagogue-in-chief understands that old truth, which is why he is so determined to crush this peaceful revolution in today's Iran. All the odds are in favor of his doing just that, but Mahmoud Ahmedinejad has already lost something far more important than Iran's presidency; he has lost legitimacy. His hands are covered with the blood of Iran's martyrs, and the list grows daily.

Mikhail Gorbachev, too, held on to the reins of power. For a while. But the irresistible attraction of freedom has a way of being underestimated, which was Comrade Gorbachev's decisive error. A little glasnost and perestroika -- openness and reform--has a way of leading to a lot. And those who open the floodgates just a little may be swept away by what they have loosed.

Now the world watches and waits for another revolution to be crushed. The president of the United States offers little but lip service to freedom's cause, and even that is tardy, hesitant, fearful, as if another people's thirst for liberty were some sort of embarrassment, an obstacle to his plans for a Grand Bargain with a dictatorial regime. A threat to, yes, peaceful coexistence, that old simulacrum for real peace.

The president doesn't want to look as if he were meddling in Iran's affairs, he explains, and of course he is immediately accused by the tyrants of meddling in Iran's affairs. Fearfulness has reaped its usual contempt.

No wonder Mahmoud Ahmadinejad struts as the world only watches and waits. Time, he must think, is on his side. Surely nothing can keep him from having his own nukes soon, just like Kim Jong Il in North Korea. Surely the police state in Iran, with its controlled media and government goons, will suppress this revolution, just as that earlier one in Hungary was stamped out.

But looking at the picture of that statue of Imre Nagy now in a place of honor in Budapest, it is hard to lose hope. A generation or two from now, whose likeness will be in Teheran's great square? I don't think it'll be Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's.

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1968 memory
In the summer of 1968 I was a member of a student exchange group in Germany. We were going to Berlin via East German autobahn when we noticed caravan upon caravan of *Russian* military vehicles heading south. It wasn't until we got home to the States that we realized we had seen Russia preparing to invade Czechoslovakia.

Hungary 1956 analogy
I too thought of Hungary 1956 in relation to the current Iran situation, but my thoughts didn't go in quite the same direction as Mr. Gerrnberg's. Back in 1956, it was a sad reality-- as that notorious cowardly panty-waist liberal, Presdident Dwight Eisenhower (I hope it's obvious I'm beng sarcastic here in that description) knew-- that there was very little the U.S.A. could actually *do* to help the rebels in Hungary. We weren't in a position to march troops into Hungary... or to threaten the USSR with atomic annihilation (thereby risking our own) to get them to stop oppressing a country which we had basically ceded to their control a decade before.

That being the case, some historians of the 1956 events have suggested that-- while of course the greatest guilt for the crime against Hungary lay with the Soviets-- the U.S.A. shared the guilt in some small degree by encouraging the rebellion through channels like Radio Free Europe. The Hungarians thought we would help them if they rebelled. We didn't-- and couldn't-- and they were crushed. We should not, arguably, have raised expectations we could not fulfill and made implied promises we couldn't keep.

I think the analogy to today in Iran is clear. With an overstretched military, economy near thre breaking point, and eroded moral authority, we are not in a position to dictate by force to Iran how that country must run its government and treat its own citizens. Sure, we can make high-sounding statements of support for freedom and democracy in Iran, but we have very limited means to back those statements up. And we need to save our resources for defending freedom and democracy *here* in our own country. We will not be helping the Iranian protesters if we lead them to believe that we can and will swoop in like the comic-book superhero of the world to solve their problems adn win their freedom for them.

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