America's forcible promotion of democracy has been both successful (Germany,
Japan) and unsuccessful (Vietnam). Where Iraq will fall in the win-loss
columns is unknowable right now. But the idea that the "Iraq project" is
some bizarre and otherworldly enterprise will seem laughable to historians a
century from now, even if it is viewed as a disaster.
I largely agree with Kagan on all of these points. But I have a problem,
too. Kagan embraces and celebrates the definition of neoconservatism as a
doctrine of democracy promotion abroad, moralism in foreign policy and
unilateralism toward these ends when necessary. But the original
neoconservatism of the late '60s and early '70s wasn't about any of these
things.
It was about domestic affairs, primarily the dangers of overreach. Less an
ideology than a branch of skepticism about the ability of government to
achieve anything like utopian goals, neoconservatism was the school for
former liberals who'd been "mugged by reality," in Irving Kristol's words.
Kagan and Weekly Standard editor Bill Kristol (son of Irving) actually
rejected the label "neoconservative" when describing their ideal foreign
policy in a now-famous 1994 Foreign Affairs essay, "Toward a Neo-Reaganite
Foreign Policy." Yet, since then, their neo-Reaganism has simply been called
"neoconservatism."
Hence the irony: The best cure for today's neoconservatism is a big dose of
the neoconservatism of old. |