At a briefing for conservative journalists before the State of the Union
address, White House Chief of Staff Josh Bolten said President Bush isn't
wistful about the close of his presidency and doesn't foresee a day when he
will pine to be back in the Oval Office. Chuckles broke out in the room at
the perhaps unintentional comparison to Hillary Clinton's surrogate in
chief, who - as with everything else in his life - has decided to make this
election year all about him.
This got me thinking. Bush came into office promising to be the un-Clinton.
And in many ways - good and bad - he stayed true to that promise. But as
Bush opened the final chapter of his presidency Monday night, the
similarities between his tenure and his predecessor's seem to have finally
eclipsed the differences.
Despite his relative popularity, President Clinton was largely a disaster
for his party. He campaigned as a "different kind of Democrat" and helped
marginalize the "progressive" wing of his party. During his term, Democrats
lost control of both houses of Congress. Clinton's "third way" philosophy
and triangulating tactics kept his approval ratings high but at the expense
of moving the country to the right on various social and economic issues.
Ronald Reagan would have proudly notched Clinton's signature accomplishments
- welfare reform and passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement - on
his six-guns. And he would have been giddy to proclaim, "The era of big
government is over," as Clinton did in his 1996 State of the Union address.
Now look at Bush's tenure. He ran in 2000 as a "different kind of
Republican." And just as Clinton moved rightward on race and big-government
liberalism, Bush tacked leftward toward the center on race and
small-government conservatism. In a bipartisan deal with Ted Kennedy, he
federalized education policy - something even Richard Nixon opposed. (Nixon
loved big government, for the record.)
Substantively, Bush has some abiding conservative accomplishments on
judicial appointments and tax cuts. But rhetorically, his compassionate
conservatism reversed a generation-long stance on the need to curtail the
ambitions of government, just as Clinton's New Democrat rhetoric abdicated
liberalism's decades-long campaign for a European-style welfare state. Bush
in effect conceded the liberal complaint that small government was
objectively hardhearted, while Clinton conceded the conservative complaint
that orthodox liberalism was too utopian.
For Bush, the true measure of good governance wasn't liberating the American
people from an over-weaning welfare state. Rather, activist government
became the very definition of good government. And with such ideological
markers in place, it was inevitable that government would expand and the
ostensible conservatives in Congress would disintegrate into a gaggle of
self-serving appropriators.
Indeed, since 1999, the federal budget has expanded by more than $1
trillion. And while Republicans, now in the minority, suddenly claim a
newfound hatred for pork-barrel spending, nobody thinks twice about the fact
that the GOP oversaw the largest expansion of the government since the Great
Society. Monday night, Bush talked a big game about empowering and
liberating the American people. But the most appropriate response to such
assurances is, "Now you tell us?"
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