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Friday, June 20, 2008
Paul Greenberg :: Townhall.com Columnist
On Suing the Enemy
by Paul Greenberg
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And not just Americans, if Mr. Justice Scalia proves as prescient as he is plain. Already prisoners at Guantanamo who have had to be released have returned to attacking American troops and/or civilian targets, and had to be recaptured. Having again entered the maw of the American judicial system, who knows if they will ever face justice? That question, too, remains Yet To Be Determined.

If and when these military tribunals are reconstituted still again, the high court can declare their standards unconstitutional still again. Till these detainees - including the confessed mastermind of the 9/11 attacks, who should have been swinging from the end of a stout rope long ago - die peacefully of old age. At that point, having voted to delay justice indefinitely, the U.S. Supreme Court can again complain that the process it has repeatedly prolonged is taking entirely too long.

Once upon another time, namely Franklin Roosevelt's, most of a group of German saboteurs that had infiltrated this country were caught, tried by a military tribunal that was convened by executive order for that purpose, promptly convicted and then executed - all within seven weeks. Can anyone imagine that kind of swift and effective justice from this court?

Of course, that war was different. America was determined to win it. At this point, to judge by last week's majority opinion, it's not clear whether the Supreme Court realizes we're in one.

The one thing that this latest example of law at its least vigilant does make clear is the importance of this year's presidential election. John McCain, who knows something about war and being a prisoner thereof, says he would appoint judges who are committed to judicial restraint; he's criticized this decision. Barack Obama has praised it. However confused and confusing this latest decision out of the high court, it does clarify the decision facing the American voter this November.

Something else became clearer to me on wading through the court's muddy majority opinion: If Abraham Lincoln had had a Supreme Court like this to deal with, and he pretty much did, and had that president and commander-in-chief failed to outmaneuver that court's pro-slavery chief justice, the Hon. Roger B. Taney, he of the infamous Dred Scott decision, then I might well be writing this column from Little Rock, Ark., C.S.A.

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New Territory
This is more complicated than it seems. I doubt Madison envisioned congress granting the president "authority to use force" to enforce something called a U.N. resolution as in Iraq, or given permission to "use all necessary force" to pursue terrorists, as in Afghanistan. I seriously doubt he would have called such a thing constitutional. I believe this begins the dilemma we're in since war wasn't officially declared on the countries we're now conducting war in by the cowards in congress. Now, what to do with civilians (possible terrorists) captured on or near a battlefield of a constitutionally undeclared war? SCOTUS is telling us now.

Lesson learned #1: Congress needs to clearly declare war against a country that we're going to invade. This puts responsibility directly in the hands of the peoples representatives in congress and the president can then conduct the war as commander in chief. As it is, congress cowards can now call it Bush's War.

Lesson learned #2: After a constitutional declaration of war, civilians, in a military tribunal, who are convicted of taking up arms against U.S. soldiers (terrorists) should be interogated and executed, as in all previous wars.

Lesson learned #3: Entangling alliances with the U.N. should be outlawed as unconstitutional.

SteveL
On looking into the issue further, it appears that the idea of taking foreigners and bringing them back to our soil has not really come up with regard to habeas corpus. The arguments have centered on the location of the courts and not how the people came to be in them. (That isn't quite true, there have been cases in which it has been argued that certain classes of people in our jails don't have habeas corpus rights, but they have always lost. Apparently even the germans tried for sedition and shot that one sees used as an example of the good old days, had their habeas rights affirmed. They just didn't do them any good because they were guilty.)

Even the serious opponents of this ruling acknowledge that had the detainees been brought to Leavenworth rather than Gitmo, they would have Habeas rights.

The issue here is whether one can get around this by pretending that Cuba has sovereignty at Gitmo despite the fact that we would laugh at any attempts by them to exercise that sovereignty. Which is pretty much the defintion of not being sovereign.

Fortunately the Supreme Court did not go along with this subterfuge.
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