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Monday, May 19, 2008
Dinesh D'Souza :: Townhall.com Columnist
Gay Rights vs. Democracy
by Dinesh D'Souza
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Now gay activists, with the acquiescence of the California high court, want to remove one of the criteria of marriage while keeping all the rest. Yet if it’s discriminatory to gays to require that marriage be between a man and a woman, why isn’t it discriminatory to Mormons and Muslims to require that it remain between two people? Isn’t incestuous marriage also between “consenting adults” who have a right to equal protection of the laws? And why doesn’t the Fourteenth Amendment protect the fellow who wants to walk down the aisle with his poodle on the grounds that “I love my dog and my dog loves me”?

The point is not that gay marriage is indistinguishable from child marriage or polygamy. The point is that any definition, and marriage is no exception, includes some people and excludes others. Consequently it’s unreasonable to say that gays have a constitutional right to over-ride the definition but other groups do not. The court’s real justification seems to have little to do with constitutional reasoning and everything to do with an assertion of political power.

Political power has its place, and that place is in the legislative and executive domain. So in the California high court decision, we see liberal jurisprudence subverting the legislature and the will of the people in order to achieve its ideological agenda. This is not about whether you think gays should be allowed to marry. If you think they should, go ahead and vote for candidates who support gay marriage. But you should still oppose the manufacture of bogus rights in order to reach a result that democracy would not by itself allow.

Attempting to insulate themselves from the political fallout, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama said very little about California’s legalization of gay marriage, muttering only that they have long opposed the idea. The real question, however, is what they would do to express this opposition. What would a President Obama do, for instance, to protect traditional marriage? Here the answer appears to be: nothing!

In the past Democrats have always appreciated courts doing their dirty work when it comes to issues like abortion, pornography, prostitution and gay rights. This way Democrats can advance their permissive agenda without having to take political responsibility for voting against the values of a majority of voters. It’s time to make the Democrats pay for this in the November election.

I know that there are gays who desperately want gay marriage, and in a way I'm happy for them. But at the same time I'm sad for constitutional democracy, which suffered a grievous blow at the hands of the California high court.

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About The Author
Dinesh D'Souza's new book Life After Death: The Evidence is published by Regnery.
 
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jediwarrior -- you wrote...CONTINUED
jediwarrior – you forget that the state courts, like the federal courts, are also empowered to recognize the existence of discrete and insular minorities and to craft judicial policy accordingly (I refer you to the “Footnote Four” approach to constitutional analysis embraced by state and federal courts, this reference being to the famous footnote in United States v. Carolene Products Co., 304 U.S. 144 (1938), in which case the US Supreme Court alluded (albeit in obiter dictum) to a much more searching standard of review to be applied in specific circumstances, which John Hart Ely (Democracy and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review) examined and explained when he elaborated on the concept of a “democratic malfunction”). There is more to constitutional adjudication than simply looking up the classification to see if it is referenced in the text of the Constitution and declaring an issue to be justiciable if and only if it is referenced somewhere in the text of the Constitution. Your approach calls for the complete exclusion of massive swathes of subject matter jurisdiction from appellate review, to the extent that the courts would be more or less neutered with respect to imposing their structural and procedural checks against overreaching by the other two branches of government – hardly something that the Court had in mind in handing down Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803). Your approach would almost entirely eliminate judicial review, and would limit the role of the courts to mere statutory interpretation without constitutional adjudication.

Perhaps this is what you desire – if so, we are on entirely different terms!


PHILIP CHANDLER

jediwarrior -- you wrote...CONTINUED
In fact, many commentators have argued that the US Supreme Court applied a considerably more searching standard of review than mere rational basis review in Lawrence, supra (the First and Ninth Circuits have both held, in decisions that survived en banc calls in both circuits, that the Lawrence Court actually applied intermediate-level review (Ninth Circuit), and that the Lawrence Court actually applied a balancing of constitutional interests that defy either the strict scrutiny or rational basis labels (First Circuit)).

In California state constitutional jurisprudence, the California Supreme Court went much, much further, explicitly declaring that gay men and lesbians constitute a “suspect class” under state equal protection considerations (this aspect of the in re Marriage Cases (2008) decision survived passage of Proposition 8 in California, and remains binding on all of the state courts in California). From now onwards, in all contexts with the single exception of marriage, gay Californians enjoy the presumption that any measure that classifies on the basis of sexual orientation is unconstitutional. This is a precept of “strict scrutiny”, which attaches when the group in question has been declared to be a suspect class, as has been done with respect to gay persons in the State of California.

CONTINUED
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