Canada is turning away from the United States. 

Just days after Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney floated the idea of a new “associate member” relationship with the European Union, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen was more than happy to entertain it. On Wednesday, she said she wants Canada to become the EU’s first associate member, even though Canada is not seeking full membership and no such formal status currently exists under EU law.

The details still have to be worked out, but the direction could not be any clearer. Carney wants Canada more tightly aligned with the European project: its trade rules, industrial strategy, climate agenda, technology policy and increasingly centralized political structure. It is a remarkable choice for a country whose economy, security and geography are typically understood as inseparable from the United States. 

"Dear @MarkJCarney we want to bring the relationship with Canada to the highest level possible," the EU president wrote in a statement on X. "I would like to work with you on opening the door for Canada to being the first associate member of the EU. And create a common prosperity and economic security space."

Ottawa may call it diversification, especially after trade talks with Washington collapsed and the subsequent trade war ensued, but the result is the same: Canada is looking to tie itself more closely to Brussels than to its largest market, closest ally and next-door neighbor. That is not harmless for the United States. 

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Auto parts cross the border repeatedly before a vehicle is finished, energy grids and supply chains are integrated, and NORAD treats continental defense as a shared responsibility. If Ottawa increasingly looks to Brussels for its rules on technology, energy, defense procurement and industrial policy, Washington risks being cut out of decisions that directly affect the North American economy and security.

President Trump is right to demand fair trade. Canada should not be allowed to hide behind “alliance” while maintaining barriers that disadvantage American workers and producers. But leverage is a tool, not an end in itself. A good deal strengthens America’s hand; a pressure campaign that drives Canada into a Europe-centered regulatory and defense orbit could do the opposite. 

A simple example is this: if Canada has to choose between building a critical-minerals supply chain with the United States or under EU rules and subsidies, America should want that mine, refinery and factory in a North American system we help shape, not in a Brussels-directed one we do not. An EU-aligned Canada would not suddenly become an enemy, but it could become a weaker and more regulated partner, less economically dynamic and less able to contribute to continental defense. America cannot afford to treat a relationship built over generations as if it were just another tariff dispute.

That is especially true when the administration is pursuing a “Donroe Doctrine” against hostile foreign influence in Cuba and Venezuela. If America is serious about maintaining influence in its own hemisphere, it should care just as much about keeping longstanding allies close as it does about turning adversaries towards our own interests.

America First should not mean America alone. The United States can demand fair trade without driving its closest ally into Brussels’ arms. If Washington wants to lead the hemisphere and the world, it must do more than confront adversaries in Cuba and Venezuela, it must also keep allies like Canada close, strong, and invested in North America’s shared future.