When I went off to college in 1972, leaving Texas for New England, I took something to remind me of home: a large Confederate flag.
American police live in a place even more wondrous than the one you know from "A Prairie Home Companion." In Lake Wobegon, all the children are above average. In Police Land, every cop is a model citizen, including those who outwardly resemble criminals.
The San Francisco Board of Supervisors has something it wants to say: Fizzy sugar water can make you fat and rot your teeth.
In the 1970s, crime was soaring, and American policymakers had all sorts of ideas for how to reduce it: longer sentences, more police, prison reform and more. But one of the most potent remedies was not conceived as a way to combat crime.
How can we produce better health for more people at a lower cost, year after year? By lifting all the rules and barriers that prevent health care innovators from bringing new lifesaving products to consumers and force doctors to beg bureaucrats and insurance administrators for permission to save lives.
The left wing of the Democratic Party is having a magic moment.
Liberals learned an unforgettable lesson: Price controls on gasoline don't work. In recent decades, when gas prices have soared, Democrats have shown no desire to repeat the lesson. But they embrace a similar approach for another problem: low pay for many workers.
Asian-Americans are one of the nation's most astonishing success stories. In 1960, they accounted for less than 1 percent of the U.S. population but had a rich history of persecution -- from the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 to the internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II. Back then, no one could have imagined what lay ahead.
A Bronx man died in police custody last week after police responded to a 911 call. An Iraq combat veteran in El Paso, Texas, serving a two-day DWI sentence died after being subdued by guards. A woman died after being Tasered by sheriff's deputies in a Fairfax, Va., cell.
Jeb Bush began a talk the other day by addressing the issue of his brother George, noted architect of the Iraq war, and he did not shrink from the challenge. "I can't deny the fact that I love my family," announced Jeb.
For a long time, there was a bipartisan consensus for free trade. President George H.W. Bush, a Republican, negotiated the North American Free Trade Agreement, and Democrat Bill Clinton got it passed. It prevailed in the Senate in 1993 with the support of 27 Democrats and 34 Republicans. The consensus wasn't unanimous by any means, but it was broad enough to steadily advance the cause.
One lesson of American history is that in times of war or crisis, American presidents, lawmakers and citizens often lose their minds. Another lesson is that they eventually regain their senses. When it comes to national security in the age of terrorism, it looks as though the national fever has broken.
Mike Huckabee mounted an impressive campaign kickoff Tuesday, has a natural base among evangelical voters in the Republican Party and won eight states in the 2008 race. Joe Biden, who went nowhere in two previous bids, isn't running yet and may not. But if either has a chance of being elected president, it's the latter.
Political debates often pit fear against hope, and when it comes to international trade agreements, many Democrats prefer to scare. It's a durable strategy that they can't relinquish -- even though it usually fails.
Looting, throwing rocks and torching cars and buildings in one's own community is a stupid, self-destructive way to deal with problems. The violence in Baltimore was harmful to police, at least 15 of whom were hurt, but even more harmful to the people who live and work where it occurred. An area that was poor and dangerous is only likely to get worse.
Bill and Hillary Clinton are to money what the Gulf of Mexico is to the Mississippi River: the inevitable destination of a large and never-ending flow, which is sometimes polluted.
Like characters in a Sergio Leone Western, government programs fall into three main categories: the good, the bad and the ugly. The program under inspection Wednesday at the Supreme Court fell squarely in the last category.
The case against the U.S. nuclear deal with Iran is easy to make. It doesn't ensure that Iran will never get the bomb; it doesn't require Iran to renounce terrorism; it doesn't end Iran's hostility toward Israel. Each of these things is highly desirable, and the agreement provides none of them.
One model of political statesmanship is figuring out where you want the country to go and persuading the people to follow in that direction. Another is figuring out where the people are going and hustling to get in front of the parade.
Gay rights groups and their allies were outraged when Indiana enacted a "religious freedom" measure that let businesses refuse to take part in same-sex weddings and other events they find objectionable. Opponents of the new law had an unassailable goal: protecting a small group of people from having their freedom trampled by an unsympathetic majority.