thing the Supreme Court says justifies such regulations on political speech: preventing corruption or the appearance thereof. They make no mention of it because corruption it is not what they have uppermost on their minds. What is uppermost is in McCain et al.'s wonderfully revealing description of how overturning BCRA would harm them. They say that if the restrictions on advertising within 30 days of primaries and 60 days of general elections are struck down, they ``will face attack in broadcast advertising campaigns mounted by corporations and labor unions.'' Imagine that. The poor dears. This is what McCain et al. really think is a corruption of democracy--the fact that politicians can be criticized during the days before people are about to vote. This gives the game away. But, then, the game was obvious when Sen. Paul Wellstone, the Minnesota Democrat, succeeded in amending BCRA by adding prohibitions against certain advocacy by unions and nonprofit corporations (he mentioned the National Rifle Association and the Sierra Club) within the ``30-day and 60-day'' windows--the political activity that annoys McCain et al. In a plaintive Senate speech, Wellstone voiced the reformers' fury about what he called ``sham ads.'' By explaining why they should have standing to defend in court the constitutionality of BCRA--why overturning it will injure them--McCain et al. reveal that the supposed concern about corruption is itself a sham, a form of corruption that the First Amendment should prevent. BCRA's aim is the convenience of its enactors, incumbent lawmakers. Opponents of BCRA should welcome further interventions on its behalf by McCain et al. They are hanging themselves.