As Smith points out regarding the hopeless Western search for "moderate" Muslims: "It is only Western intellectuals who distinguish between moderates and fundamentalists; people of faith distinguish between believers and non believers..." (See also, my book "The West's Last Chance," particularly Chapter 3).
Also, see Edward Luttwak's confirming observation that "Mainstream Islam, not just Islamism, rejects the legitimacy of democratic legislation that could contradict Shariah law."
In fact, the history of Islamic reform has been the search and effort to return to a literal interpretation of the text of their inerrant (in the faithful Muslim's view) Quran. It is a search to purge the corruptions of man from society. It is the effort to be ruled by God, whereas democracy is the effort to be ruled by men.
Whether the Muslim Brotherhood currently and sincerely believes in violence or not is far less important than its (and most of the other Islamic peoples living in Islamic lands) urge to live under sharia law.
In February 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini gave the most honest description of government by sharia (I am not comparing anyone on the Egyptian scene with Khomeini. I am merely using his description because he was honest in this instance):
"This is not an ordinary government. It is government based on the sharia. Opposing this government means opposing the sharia of Islam. ... Revolt against God's government is a revolt against God. Revolt against God is blasphemy." In other words, under sharia government, dissent is punishable by death.
Be under no illusion, if the Egyptian government in the future is shaped by the obvious Egyptian majority opinion -- whether the path is slow and peaceful, fast and violent, led or not led by the Muslim Brotherhood -- the result will not be Western-oriented democracy.
And, regarding the "illusion of stability," as the successful American policy of the last 30 years has been sneeringly described by those waiting expectantly for democracy: It was no illusion. For 30 years, it was a reality. And the reality was good for us and the world. One can't expect much more value from a foreign policy.
If we can perpetuate anything like it for another month, year, decade or generation, we and the world would be better off. The only possible path to more stability is to encourage the Egyptian army -- the only trusted national Egyptian institution, and with which we have the closest working relations -- to maintain its guidance on whatever government it can cause to come into being.
This would be both good policy and good politics. According to a new Rasmussen Poll, 60 percent of American voters think it is more important for the U.S. to be allies with any country that best protects our national security, rather than only to ally with freely elected governments.
There is a lot of dreamy nonsense trying to pass for foreign policy right at the moment. The bill for such illusions will come due -- probably sooner than later. As Jean-Paul Sartre reminded us, we all have an obligation not to act in bad faith by deceiving ourselves -- however lamentable the truth may be.
Blankley, who had been suffering from stomach cancer, died Saturday night at Sibley Memorial Hospital in Washington, his wife, Lynda Davis, said Sunday.
In his long career as a political operative and pundit, his most visible role was as a spokesman for and adviser to Gingrich from 1990 to 1997. Gingrich became House Speaker when Republicans took control of the U.S. House of Representatives following the 1994 midterm elections.