France's Jacques Chirac, Germany's Gerhard Schroeder and
Russia's Vladimir Putin have announced their united opposition to militarily
induced regime change in Iraq. For about half a millennium, the allied power
of those three great countries would have been the decisive political fact
in world events. But today, their decision, should they stick with it, will
have decisive consequences, primarily for their own domestic political
careers and their countries' relationship with the United States. While we
have enduring, but second level, interests in regaining their cooperation in
the everyday affairs of the civilized world, their current huffing and
puffing on Iraq will have minimal, if any, material consequences on our
prosecution of the upcoming war.
If, by their opposition, they damage irreparably the United
Nations and NATO, it will be their interests, not ours, that they
disproportionately will be undercutting. After all, they derive
disproportionate influence in the world as allies and interlocutors with the
United States. They piggyback on our power, not we on theirs.
As I wrote last week, I believe that we should strive to repair
and value our historic relations with France, Germany and the United
Nations. But it may well be the case that such repair work cannot be started
as long as the current leaders of those countries and the United Nations are
in power. Of course, we shouldn't unnecessarily further poison those
relationships. Russia's President Putin is still likely to support us when
the balloon goes up, because it would appear that he has made the strategic
judgment to ally Russia with the United States (consider his acquiescence on
NATO expansion, rescinding the ABM treaty and seeking our support against
his Chechen terrorists). But M. Chirac and Herr Schroeder well may have
talked themselves into a corner, out of which they cannot extract
themselves.
Jacques Chirac, like many leaders (and not only French ones),
aspires to be remembered as a great man. The 70-year-old French president's
career has been substantial, but has fallen short of not only the great
Charles De Gaulle but even of Francois Mitterrand, especially in the sacred
French objective of defining France's special destiny in terms of blocking
and opposing American policy.
With the coming of the Iraqi war crises, Chirac has seen his
last chance for greatness, and he has lunged at it. Riding the tide of the
French public's famously fickle sentiments, he is currently triumphant atop
80 percent poll approval numbers. But as a Parisian lawyer observed earlier
this week in the London Times, Chirac always rushes into things without
planning an exit: "It's going to end in tears. It always does for Chirac."
If the French people are tough on their allies, they can be ferocious on
their own fallen idols. It currently gratifies the French people to
sneeringly call George Bush a cowboy (ignoring France's own less heroic role
in Iraq as the saloon keeper). But, apres la guerre, when France is excluded
from the honor of victory, Chirac will not seem so magnificent. He will have
to live out politically the opposite condition of that invoked by the fine
old French phrase: tout est perdu hors l'honneur -- all is lost, save honor.
Having lost honor, Chirac will fall. But with the Socialist opposition
supporting Chirac, French politics is likely to be rather scrambled for the
next year or two. It will be during that period that the United States may
wish to repair relations with a temporarily more compliant France.
Meanwhile, on the Teutonic side of the Rhine, German Chancellor
Gerhard Schroeder has already got his lederhosen in a twist. Herr
Schroeder's freewheeling exploitation of German anti-war sentiments has put
him at odds with his foreign minister, Joschka Fischer. As the chancellor
has become ever more extreme in his anti-war, anti-American rhetoric, he has
undercut the diplomatic efforts and curtailed the options of his foreign
minister. And because Foreign Minister Fischer is also the senior Green
Party minister in the Social Democrat-Green coalition government (in fact,
20 years ago, it was Fischer and Schroeder, personally over a beer, who
conceived and created the Social Democrat-Green alliance), there is a risk
of the collapse of Schroeder's government, according to the respected German
newspaper Bild. "Relations between the Chancellor and his Foreign Minister
have plunged into an ice age," the paper reported Monday. Herr Schroeder has
publicly mocked Fischer's U.N. envoy, prematurely leaked details of
Fischer's negotiations with his French counterpart and bragged that he is
more popular with the Green rank and file than Fischer himself. A
resourceful and angry Fischer combined with a sinking German economy bodes
ill for the German government's longevity.
A proud English newspaper once famously headlined: "Fog obscures
Channel-Europe cut-off." Today, the French and German governments may think
they are cutting off the United States, but they are only setting up their
own governments and countries for a fall.