Given the GOP’s 32 to 8 Senate advantage, one would think conservative legislation would be a slam dunk. But many of the elephants are RINOs (Republicans in Name Only). “You’ve got a razor-thin liberal majority in the Senate when the eight Democrats are added to the mix,” said a Kansas political observer.
However, as Yogi might say, the status quo is not what it used to be. In the August primaries, conservatives are vying to unseat RINOs, including Mr. Morris. Given recent upsets by Indiana Republican Senate candidate Richard Mourdock over moderate GOP Sen. Richard G. Lugar, and state Sen. Deb Fischer’s victory in the Nebraska GOP Senate primary after being endorsed by Sarah Palin, the Kansas RINOs probably should be nervous.
Vote fraud has been around since elections began, but has been a more persistent vice in America since Bill Clinton in 1993 signed the National Voter Registration Act (“Motor Voter Law”), which requires states to offer voter registration to people when they obtain driver’s licenses or apply for welfare or unemployment benefits. States must purge people who died, moved out of state, are convicted of crimes or listed more than once, but two federal election cycles must pass before a name is removed.
“Examiners were under orders not to ask anyone for identification or proof of citizenship,” writes John Fund in his book Stealing Elections. “States also had to permit mail-in voter registration, which allowed anyone to register without any personal contact with a registrar or election official.”
In 2002, the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) tightened vote counting systems and spawned statewide databases. The latter are a gold mine for researchers such as those at the Pew Center on the States, which recently reported that 1.8 million dead people remain on voter rolls. As usual, Democrats are hysterically attacking any anti-fraud reforms.
Asked about Jesse Jackson’s claim that voter ID laws “suppress the minority vote,” Mr. Kobach minces no words: “I think that’s a ludicrous charge. It’s so patently absurd to argue that requiring a photo ID in order to vote is racist. His argument itself is somewhat racist. He’s suggesting that a person’s skin color affects his ability to go down to an office and get a free photo ID.”
In local elections this spring in 50 Kansas counties, of 65,813 votes cast, only 81 people showed up at the polls lacking a photo ID, Mr. Kobach said. “And most of those had a photo ID but just forgot to bring it. They were all given provisional ballots and could later bring in a photo ID to make it count.”
The overheated liberal rhetoric often is accompanied by stats from the leftwing Brennan Center, which reported in 2006 that 11 percent of all American adults lack a photo ID and more recently claimed that as many as 25% of blacks and 16 percent of Hispanics lack a photo ID.
Think about that. It means that millions of adults don’t drive, cash checks, receive welfare, get married, buy beer or cigarettes, board an airliner or do any of the other innumerable activities that routinely require a photo ID.
If they can’t legally do any of those things, what are they doing at the polls? For one thing, they shouldn’t be voting in Topeka if they’re not in Kansas anymore.