Others call them names. Recently, Rep. John Olver (D-Mass.) derided House conservatives as “jihadists” and “nihilists.” Rep. Tim Ryan (D-Ohio) said that “getting lectures on fiscal responsibility from the Republican Party is like getting lectures on animal welfare from [football star] Michael Vick.”Ouch.
But even the most acerbic partisan must have recoiled at the vitriol Rep. David Scott (D-Ga.) spewed during an otherwise routine floor debate. “This amendment is drastic,” he began. “It is costly. It is inefficient. It is impossible to administer.”
Then Scott moved in for the rhetorical kill. The amendment was “mean-spirited,” he said. “But not only is it mean-spirited. It is, indeed, bigoted … It is an insult to the Congress of the United States. And I submit it is … beneath the dignity of the Congress to even entertain this amendment.”
Why such unbridled animosity?
The amendment’s sponsor, mild-mannered Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas), was taken aback. After all, he was only seeking to instill in the Section 8 housing voucher program the commonsense notion that “federal assistance should be temporary” and based on “work and self-sufficiency and responsibility and personal dignity.”
Specifically, Hensarling proposed a modest work requirement for able-bodied adults who have benefited from Section 8 housing assistance for seven years if they wish to continue receiving their $550, on average, monthly housing allowance. Section 8 is a federal program that allows low-income families to lease or purchase privately owned housing. His amendment also would have exempted mothers of young children who cannot secure adequate childcare from the work requirement.
Hensarling sought to extend the successful 1996 reform to federal housing programs. Under the old system, recipients weren’t required to engage in any significant activities to receive aid. This arrangement promoted idleness, single parenthood and poverty. The 1996 reforms, by contrast, required welfare recipients to engage in constructive activities such as supervised job search, training and community service. To the astonishment of liberal defenders of the old system, the new work requirement … well, worked. Welfare caseloads plummeted (from 5.1 million families in 1994 to 1.9 million families today), employment among single parents doubled, and child poverty fell to record lows.