It is just possible, contrary to my original thoughts, that the tragic Schiavo case will not usher in a slippery slope toward euthanasia but cause a double-barreled backlash against both the "Culture of Death" and judicial activism.
To be sure, the legal precedent established in this case, at least in Florida, represents an affirmative devaluation of human life and opens the door to further troubling scenarios, involving the state-sanctioned murder of the inconvenient, based on "quality of life" assessments.
But I sense in this nation a growing outrage at the arrogance and unaccountability of our judiciary, and at the cavalier attitude many are exhibiting toward life.
Former San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown said, referring to the Schiavo case, "I think there's a moral question, a legal question, but there's no political question in this matter at all, and it never should have been elevated to that."
You better think again, Mr. Brown. When the public has finally had its fill of this insanity, it may well, through its elected representatives, exercise its political options by launching a counterattack against the courts.
Significant numbers of people were outraged in 1973, when the Supreme Court placed its "holy" imprimatur on the murder of babies in the womb and overstepped its bounds by tying up states on the issue through a constitutional right it manufactured.
But over the last several decades, despite a virtual monopoly by leftist forces in academia, the major media and Hollywood, the public's sentiment toward protecting babies in utero has matured, and its aversion to judicial activism has grown.
People have a sense, if not any particular sophistication in constitutional analysis, that there is something radically wrong with the Orwellian propaganda that "social change" ought to emanate from the courts rather than legislative bodies.
The Ten Commandments monument case, involving Alabama Judge Roy Moore, and now the Schiavo case have brought to light more than any other recent cases, the necessity of legislative or even popular (constitutional amendment) intervention to rein in the renegade judicial branch.
The conflict and turmoil among conservatives alone is sufficient reason for remedial action. In the Moore case I discovered how deep-rooted feelings are on this matter when I wrote a column defending Judge Moore's position on displaying the monument, but disagreeing with his decision to defy a federal court order.