Cliff May

What happens after that? Not a new era of Middle Eastern prosperity and freedom — the experiences of Islamist-ruled Iran, Sudan, and Gaza demonstrate that clearly. This question then arises: If most people in countries such as Egypt and Tunisia become disenchanted with Islamist governments, will they be able to choose a different direction?

I’m doubtful. Iran’s revolutionary rulers routinely hold elections — and rig them. In 2009, the fraud was so egregious that it sparked an uprising — with protesters streaming through the streets chanting “Death to the Dictators!” — but the jackboots of the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps soon stamped on the faces of those dissidents. Hamas came to power in 2006 through a not-quite-free election and, big surprise, Gaza’s ballot boxes have been in mothballs ever since. Free elections in Sudan are as likely as a blizzard in the Sahara.

Gerecht argued that in Egypt the Muslim Brotherhood will continue to encounter resistance — and not just from democrats and secularists. Fundamentalists of various stripes will find fault with Morsi’s more pragmatic (not to be confused with moderate) policies. Such discord, Gerecht adds, “won’t make a liberal society. But it will make a competitive one. Step by step. Right now, I would be content with democratic values that are far from ideal but at least offer space for differences to be voiced freely.”

I’m not entirely on board with either side in this debate. On the one hand, I don’t think there is any way we can stop Islamists from coming to power in Muslim-majority countries. Let’s stipulate that President Obama did throw Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak under the bus. Does anyone believe that, had he not, Mubarak would have made it across the street?

On the other hand, I see no reason to believe that Islamist regimes will mellow over time or allow themselves to be voted out of power. “Democracy is a train,” Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has said. “You can get off when you reach your destination.”

Tough policy decisions remain: Should American taxpayers continue to give money, tanks, and fighter jets to the Egyptian military? I see no good coming from that — least of all now, as Morsi is directing the military to arrest civilians. Should Morsi be told in no uncertain terms that if he strangles Egyptian democracy in its cradle even development assistance will cease to flow? I wouldn’t want to be an American congressman explaining to his constituents why we’re borrowing money from China to give to the Muslim Brotherhood.

If there are Syrian factions — political and ethnic — that are both anti-Assad/anti-Iranian and anti-al-Qaeda, should we give them money and weapons? Yes, because a victory for Assad, Iranian upreme Leader Ali Khamenei, or al-Qaeda chief Ayman al Zawahiri would be a defeat for us.

At the conclusion of the Washington Forum, one thing was clear to me: Those of us committed to what that old neo-conservative John F. Kennedy called the “survival and the success of liberty” have few good policy options to choose from. Instead, we face bad options — and worse options. As that old religious conservative Woody Allen said, “Let us pray that we have the wisdom to choose correctly.”

Cliff May

Clifford D. May is the President of the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies.