Four years after a controversial assault on a Tamil rebel stronghold ended Sri Lanka's 26 years of civil war, the deep ethnic and sectarian divisions that ignited the war still stymie government efforts to address other pressing social and economic problems. Mistrust divides the country's Buddhist Sinhalese and Hindu Tamil communities. Sinhalese call Tamils terrorists. Tamils call Sinhalese oppressors. Truth be told, both sides have legitimate complaints.
Rajapaksa wondered if a TRC might help Sri Lanka. Zuma suggested that their two governments exchange formal visits to discuss South Africa's experience with the process. Rajapaksa's Tamil critics immediately called his TRC proposal a tactic to delay international investigations of government (meaning Sinhalese) atrocities committed during the war.
A reader left a melancholy comment on the news website. A TRC might help, but to make it work, Sri Lanka needs its own Nelson Mandela and Bishop Desmond Tutu. Tutu led South Africa's TRC. According to the reader, Sri Lanka has neither.
I don't think the reader was arguing that peacemaking depends on specific personalities. However, media increasingly portray leaders as celebrities and equate policy implementation with a dramatic speech.
The 10 or so Mandela eulogies I read last week described him as a reconciler, a revolutionary turned nation healer and a nation builder. All true. However, the TRC, Mandela's policy instrument for concretely advancing reconciliation, received scant attention.
Actions matter, results matter and the mechanisms of action matter. Mandela and Tutu brought credible leadership -- leadership confirmed by action and results -- to the reconciliation process. Action and results gave them moral authority. F.W. de Klerk, South Africa's last apartheid president, added credibility. By freeing the imprisoned Mandela, de Klerk substantiated, through action, the claim that he shared Mandela's goal of ending apartheid. Mandela shared his 1993 Nobel Peace Prize with de Klerk.
Some histories treat the TRC as an after thought to the Constitution that Mandela's African National Congress and de Klerk's government hammered out. However, the Constitution recognized "a need for understanding but not for vengeance, a need for reparation but not for retaliation."
Austin Bay is the author of three novels. His third novel, The Wrong Side of Brightness, was published by Putnam/Jove in June 2003. He has also co-authored four non-fiction books, to include A Quick and Dirty Guide to War: Third Edition (with James Dunnigan, Morrow, 1996).
Be the first to read Austin Bay's column. Sign up today and receive Townhall.com delivered each morning to your inbox.
Bombshell: Valerie Jarrett Helped Manage Fallout Over Eric Holder's Changing Fast and Furious Testimony to Congress | Katie Pavlich
White House: Ask DOJ About What's in The Fast and Furious Documents Covered By Obama's Executive Privilege | Katie Pavlich
Judge Dismisses Lawsuit Against IRS From Targeted Group True the Vote; Tea Party Outraged | Katie Pavlich