If black America tended to respond with a certain distrust and hostility toward mainstream business and politics, it was plainly a matter of self-defense. The rise of Black Nationalism and other separatist movements did not happen in a vacuum. They happened because even up to a generation ago, white America ruling class did everything it could to discourage black people from even making the attempt to be successful.
The civil rights movement was born out of an intense struggle to enjoy those basic human rights we associate with happiness. Early leaders of the movement settled on the theory that American society was primarily characterized by racism and that American institutions were grounded in the maintenance of racial privilege. Many of the black politicians who swept into office on the heels of the movement consciously embodied this organizing principle. Their legislative remedies were predicated on the belief that the problems of black people, whether its high crime rates, drug use, poor educational performance, were, primarily, if not entirely, the result of white racism. Their obligation was to promote and protect their constituents by offering remedies to specific aspects of racial discrimination (i.e., segregated schools, disparity in pay, public accommodations, etc.) In other words, they wed their legitimacy to the belief that all the problems confronting blacks were rooted in racism.
To this day, many black officeholders depend on the perception of on-going, widespread racism in order to remain competitive in the electoral process. They underplay the dramatic improvements in economic and social status experienced by blacks over the last 40 years. Large numbers of their constituents, particularly those who came to age during the overt racism of the past half century, continue to believe that the problems confronting the black lower class stem primarily from racism.
Herein lies the greatest missed opportunity of the civil rights movement. They never prepared for the day when the hand of God moved the conscious of a nation and many whites joined the spiritual movement to start treating minorities as equals. Their entire public image, their very legitimacy as political and cultural spokespersons--was predicated on the rhetoric of a black versus white war. As my mentor Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas once observed, the [civil rights] revolution missed a larger point by merely changing the status [of minorities] from invisible to victimized.
Tragically, this point was also missed by the pop culture, which glorifies images of black misogyny, violence and victimization. We hold up ‘gansta’ rappers as models of achievement. Hey, they’re just keeping it real we say. Meanwhile our children stare at these sociopath's with adoring eyes. They emulate their mean sense of entitlement, their broken English, and their violence, because this is what the popular culture tells us it means to be black.
This is crystal clear today as many black high school and college students have told me that they had no hope of achieving economic success in this world. So what does this tell us? For starters, liberalism has not solved their most basic problems. Instead, it has put many minorities in the mindset that they must be fed government programs, instead of being given access to capital and the opportunity to create their own jobs. Second of all, we need to stop glorifying thugs and start praising those black CEOs and there are plenty of them now--who have seared through the competition to take possession of wealth and prominence. In short, we need to glorify Entrepreneurialism, not victim hood! Entrepreneurialism is the engine that will close the racial economic gap. But we’ll never get there unless the younger generation of American Blacks decides it is time to move beyond the basic covenants of liberalism. That is to say, unless they decide they can succeed as individuals, rather than remain forever victims because of their skin color. If the Republican Party were to get their act and message together, they could be the catalyst for this movement.
I Was A Woman In The Marine Corps In the Mid-70s. Hillary Clinton’s Story Doesn’t Add Up | Susan Hutchison