In contrast, some conservatives have gradually drifted away from their past
realpolitik and easy detente with illiberal regimes.
Such an about-face did not start with George Bush and his now maligned
neo-con advisers. It was evident earlier with Ronald Reagan. He rejected
detente with the Soviet Union and instead championed religious and political
dissidents, calling for the end of, not tolerance of, the tyranny of the
Soviet "evil empire."
Liberals, on the other hand, have embraced multiculturalism often in guilt
and as a reaction against past purported Western chauvinism. We are not
supposed to judge different religions and foreign cultures by imposing our
own arbitrary standards of morality.
But the end result of multiculturalism in the real world is an insidious
relativism. So Jimmy Carter turns a blind eye to Hamas' street executions.
Gordon Brown fears offending radical Muslims, and Nancy Pelosi flies to
embrace Syrian President and terrorist enabler Bashar al-Assad.
Conservatives more often believe in universal absolutes: Some things like
authoritarianism are always worse; others like freedom are always better,
regardless of cultural differences.
At home in a freewheeling, affluent society, such rigid consistency may seem
reactionary, unimaginative and unrealistic. But, abroad, it can translate
into something different, as more Western conservatives than liberals have
supported such troublemaking champions of individual rights as former Soviet
dissident Natan Sharansky or the Somali-born former Dutch legislator Ayaan
Hirsi Ali.
Finally, there is the matter of tactics. Liberals believe more in universal
redemption through nonviolence. Evil is not so much innate as it is a result
of poverty, prejudice or some sort of oppression. Its antidote then should
be education, understanding, dialogue and diplomacy. So don't give up on an
Assad, demonize Islamists or isolate Hamas.
Conservatives are more likely to believe evil is elemental, so combating and
isolating it is the necessary first step in protecting the weaker from harm.
Who, then, condemns religious fanaticism, terrorists and their illiberal
state supporters in the Middle East? Not necessarily, as we would expect,
contemporary liberals. Instead, they now more often rail about the Patriot
Act at home than the jailing or killing of innocents in places like Damascus
and Gaza.
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