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Thursday, January 04, 2007
Victor Davis Hanson :: Townhall.com Columnist
A war of endurance
by Victor Davis Hanson
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Or American forces, at great danger, can continue to change the political and economic structure of the Middle East in hopes of fostering constitutional governments that might curb terrorism for generations. This current engagement demands our soldiers fight jihadists on their vicious turf, but by our humanitarian rules. For this, we must pay the ensuing human and materiel price — all broadcast live on the evening news.

The first choice, a return to what was practiced throughout the 1980s and 1990s, is easy and offers short-term relief with little controversy. But the second path, which we have taken to prevent another 9/11, is hard, lengthy and thus unpopular. Yet it holds out the promise of long-term solutions in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Presidents Reagan, Bush senior and Clinton, who respectively skedaddled out of Beirut, skipped Baghdad and fled from Mogadishu, didn't risk, lose or solve much against the terrorists.

In contrast, George W. Bush wagered everything by going into Afghanistan and Iraq. And he will either make things much worse or much better for millions — depending on how successfully the United States can endure the messy type of war that jihadists welcome and the American military usually seeks to avoid.

Military success on the ground now demands that we expand the rules of engagement to allow our troops to shoot more of the jihadists, disarm the militias, train even more Iraqis troops to take over security more quickly, and seal the Syrian and Iranian borders.

This solution, of course, is easier said than done. The military must use more force against those who are destroying Iraqi democracy at precisely the time the American public has become exasperated with both the length and human cost of the war.

Imagine this war as a sort of grotesque race. The jihadists and sectarians win if they can kill enough Americans to demoralize us enough that we flee before Iraqis and Afghans stabilize their newfound freedom. They lose if they can't. Prosperity, security and liberty are the death knell to radical Islam. It's that elemental.

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About The Author
Victor Davis Hanson is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and a recipient of the 2007 National Humanities Medal.

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Don't pass the Buck
Unconditional surrender. The Japanese and others lobbied for a partial surrender and tried to avoid making the emperor say that he was a mortal. Some have observed that the quickest way to prosperity is to unconditionally lose a war to the U.S. The author rightly observes that we are fighting as gentlemen and avoiding "low blows" while the enemy aims for the nuts. Buck rightly observes that "tit-for-tat" wrist slapping is foolishness. Had my son, who recently returned from Iraq, come home in a body bag because of "rules of engagement" constraints, I really don't know what I'd have done. Our deepest loathing must be reserved for those who continually weaken our resolve.

war terms
A big part of the War on Terror, as several posters have pointed out, is that the phrase is too inexact. "Terror" is not an ideology; it's a pattern of using the civilian massacre as the tactic of choice. That tactic is nothing new; it's been characteristic of fanatic but disadvantaged fringe movements since time immemorial. In the service of a powerful state apparatus, the death tolls can become truly awesome. It's arguable that Stalin's version of communism, for instance, was state-sponsored terror. Even though the Communist Party never won a general election, their dedicated minority seized power in a politically primitive country and combined the worst of two worlds -- a semi-feudal, autocratic, political tradition with the surveillance and killing machines of the 20th century.

The ideology motivating Middle Eastern "terror"
is militant Islam -- again, nothing new. Islam has been at war with much of the rest of the world since its inception. Although it had a heyday 1200 years ago, for the most part it's been the most intolerant, most trigger happy of religions. It's been a seesaw struggle between Islam and the surrounding infidels for most of the last 1400 years.

This is not to say that many Muslims are not peaceful. Neither is the Muslim world monolithic. Shiites and Sunnis are mutually hostile, and the Ottoman Turks, who dominated the Middle East for several hundred years prior to their defeat in WW I, have different political, military and dynastic traditions. Turkey in the mid-20th century was the only Muslim country in that area to modernize intentionally, and for the most part successfully.

There is little tradition of pluralism and moderation within the core area of Islam, particularly Iran and the Arab Middle East. Most of the various militant sects there also riven by tribalism and seem to hate modernism in a general sort of way; thereby representing the most retrograde form of militant Islam.

Trying to convince American liberals that any war is worth fighting is probably as useless as attempting to convince Wahabis that Western greedheads and voluptaries aren't minions of the devil. The American left never seems to support the war that's actually happening -- only some other war in the distant future, even if it might antagonize Arabs. Local newspapers where I live run full-page ads to "Save Darfur;" there are even billboards here and there, but of course they fail to mention that the only way to "save" that area would be to occupy Sudan, the largest country in Africa with about 40 million people scattered over an area about the size of the U.S. east of the Mississippi. Such a mission would require an American army many times the size of the one in Iraq.

Those same liberals are not apt to find military force truly justifiable until a jihadist army wades ashore on Long Island.

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