In their book, Against Long Odds, James Merriner and Thomas Senter explain the fundraising difficulties faced by Cuddy. They write: "Federal contribution limits foist on challengers a task equivalent to filling a bathtub with a $1,000 teaspoon. Cuddy and his supporters made the rounds of Alaskan CEOs?-the challenger?s own milieu?-only to be told that they would love to help out, but they could not risk Stevens seeing their name on Cuddy?s list of contributors for fear of reprisal. Did those who wrote the post-Watergate ?reform? laws foresee this?"

Anonymity was once a hallmark of American politics--from the Federalist Papers to the secret ballot. It is not always a bad thing. If enough voters demand to know contribution data, those candidates seeking their votes will volunteer the information. But for incumbents in Congress to pass a law forcing the disclosure of those who contribute to their opponents violates the First Amendment to our Constitution. (Forgive me for mentioning that old relic again.)

Even beyond fundraising, the incumbent has every advantage. The Alaska Supreme Court voided the Republican Party's planned closed primary in favor of an open primary and likely Democrats crossing over for the more liberal Stevens. Meanwhile, Cuddy?s campaign lost consultant after consultant to threats of retaliation on future Republican Party jobs.

Cuddy also discovered the power incumbents have over the media. He was scheduled to be on a radio show hosted by a supporter, Fritz Pettyjohn. But after a complaint was filed with the Federal Communication Commission in Washington, D.C. the appearance was canceled.

"I was told by management that there had been some complaint lodged against the station by someone in the Stevens camp that I was going beyond the bounds of fair political commentary, and when our license came up it could be a problem for them," Pettyjohn said. "And so they instructed me to just back off and stay away from it or else they?d have to take me off the air. Anytime you mention the word ?license? around one of these stations, they just freak."

The biggest campaign contribution to Stevens came from you and me--the taxpayers. The state receives $611 per capita in federal pork--that is 70 percent above the national average. Of course, every Alaskan isn?t cut a check by the federal treasury for an equal $611. Friends of Ted get so much that it adds up to $611 for every Alaskan. Many people thus desire to be Friends of Ted.

In the end, Stevens soundly defeated Cuddy, 59 to 27 percent, though the margin was much closer than usual for Stevens.

So, there you have it: A Congress run by career politicians who wield the power of the federal government to thwart competition so they can enrich themselves and their special-interest cronies. If this doesn?t appear to be corruption, I don?t know what does.

Our make-it-up-as-we-go Supreme Court justices recently decided it was so earth-shatteringly important to battle the perception that our Congress is full of crooks, that Congress should be able to stomp all over the First Amendment through the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law. So, what does the McCain-Feingold law say about Senator Stevens and his wheeling and dealing? Well, nothing. The law doesn?t bother Senators Stevens in the slightest.

But McCain-Feingold does forbid groups from telling the people of Alaska about this pattern of self-dealing in any advertisement that dares to mention the powerful Senator?s name or show his likeness within 60 days of the election. That?s the McCain-Feingold method of removing the appearance of corruption: enforced silence.

What then do we do?

We must stop the monopolization of our government by career politicians bent on their own power and prestige. The answer is term limits.