LITTLE ROCK - It proved an education not just for his students but for me
when Adam Green, associate professor of history at the University of
Chicago, brought his class to town for an on-site study of the Little Rock
Crisis of 1957.
Central High School in Little Rock, Ark., was the focus of more than a
political and constitutional crisis in 1957. It was also a test of
conscience. How we see it now still is. And who better to serve as a guide
to all the forces that collided here than the son of Ernest Green, one of
the original Little Rock Nine who integrated the school?
The students began their colloquium early on a Friday morning here at the
Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, where they met to hear from five local reporters
who had covered the Crisis first-hand.
As one of the students told me as the two-hour seminar was breaking up and
the group was headed for Central High, now an official historic site,
hearing from those on the scene in '57 was so different from reading about
the crisis in the history books. For me, too, I assured her. There's always
something new to learn about the old, especially from eyewitnesses.
Each person sees with different eyes, and brings a different set of
sensibilities to events. And so does each generation. Which may be why
history so often says more about the time in which it was written than the
time it purports to describe.
It takes a rare sensibility to transport oneself into the past, and see it
as those who lived it did. Giambattista Vico, the early 18th-century
philosopher/historiographer, called that rare talent fantasia, or overwhelming, all-absorbing imagination.
For it's not easy to avoid the presentness that reduces history to an
exercise in current cultural or ideological fashion. Our own time can be a
prison, shutting us out of the others.
The most revealing comment of the morning's discussion came from Ernie
Dumas, who'd joined the old Arkansas Gazette as a political reporter shortly
after 1957. He recalled a conversation with Orval Faubus after the old boy
had been elected to his third term as governor in 1958, largely as a result
of the popularity he'd reaped from his defiant stand against the federal
government the year before.
It seems the triumphant Faubus had taken him aside - along with Roy Reed, a
Gazette reporter who years later would write a detailed biography of Faubus
- to explain what a really fine, progressive governor he'd been. He'd been
the most liberal governor in the South, Orval Faubus told them. Despite the
bad press that he and Arkansas were getting (and would continue to get)
because of his defense of racial segregation.
To document his claim, this undisputed champion of Arkansas politics (at
least till Bill Clinton came along) ran through the litany of social and
economic programs he'd supported. Just as he would regularly do every two
years and gubernatorial election thereafter. That's when Roy Reed asked him
the question that History would then and forever ask: "But what about '57?"
Orval Faubus explained that he was no racist. No serious observer of
Arkansas politics ever thought he was; he was much too intelligent for that.
No, he was something worse: an opportunist who exploited the racism of
others in order to retain political power. He'd done what he'd done, he
explained that day, to keep worse types at bay.
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