Ever notice how Barack Obama handles a question from a real person, as
opposed to one of us annoying media types? Even a question that challenges
his position? It's a thing of beauty.
Watch him at one of his forums. He listens patiently, nods his head
sympathetically, and seems to share his questioner's point of view. He
identifies.
He then begins his answer by restating the question, often enough in more
persuasive form than the original. He doesn't so much entertain a question
as improve it.
Only after he has established a bond between himself and his critic does he
present his own, different point of view, carrying the questioner and the
rest of the audience with him every respectful step of the way. Soon it's
his critic who is nodding sympathetically, understandingly. Barack Obama has
made another friend and supporter.
This is the approach he adopted to address the God-damn-America rhetoric of
his old pastor - and rise above it. By the time he was finished, he'd
actually turned a political embarrassment to his advantage in what soon
became known as The Speech, an instant classic of American rhetoric.
If Barack Obama ever tires of his day job, he'd make a good editorial
writer, for he has grasped the essence of the assignment: Appeal to the
community's own standards, and at the same time raise them. It's called
raising the level of public discourse, and it should be the end of every
exercise in rhetoric. It's quite a trick, but Sen. Obama has mastered it
when dealing with the issues.
It's when the talented Mr. Obama takes to analyzing people the same way he
does issues, like some social scientist weighing us in the balance, that he
gets into trouble. Real trouble. As he did when he analyzed the benighted
inhabitants of deepest, darkest Pennsylvania during a private fund-raiser -
in mod San Francisco, of all unfortunate places. That's when he committed
the following masterpiece of two-bit psychology:
You go into some of these small towns in Pennsylvania, and .
. . the jobs have been gone now for 25 years, and nothing's replaced them.
It's not surprising then that they get bitter, they cling to guns or
religion or antipathy to people who aren't like them or anti-immigrant
sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.
It was a revealing comment - not about people in small-town Pennsylvania and
their counterparts all across America, but about Barack Obama. It revealed
him as another smooth talker as glib as he is condescending. Note the way he
just threw religion in there as one more harbor for America's disgruntled
along with guns, opposition to free trade, anti-immigrant feelingsŠ.
Barack Obama's was an off-the-cuff analysis of those of us not as sharp and
well adjusted and successful as he is. That is, the pitiful rest of us. It's
the kind of attitude that has made the very word "liberal" odious in
American politics, so much so that many liberals have stopped describing
themselves as such, and started calling themselves progressives.
If there was a point in this campaign when the Obama magic cracked, that was
it. Suddenly we saw an empty young man unscarred by age or experience or any
great failure in life. This campaign's Golden Youth seemed blissfully
unschooled by the best of teachers - a great failure.
The trouble with the senator's revealing comment in San Francisco was that
it reduced rhetoric in its best sense - an appeal to common memory and
shared values - to something else: cold, clever analysis. He'd severed the
bond of community he'd been so good at establishing. He let the circle be
broken.
Whatever he was saying in public, here Barack Obama was in private referring
to us as Them, talking about how They feel, and what values They were
clinging to for comfort. We had become just specimens under his microscope.
And his oh-so-deep analysis of us? Poor creatures, we're just taking out our
frustrations when we embrace, say, our faith. Maybe that sort of thing goes
over in San Francisco; it doesn't in America.
There had been signs earlier in this campaign of the distance between Barack
Obama and We the People he seeks to represent. As when he was campaigning in
Iowa as if it were Zabar's. ("Anybody gone into Whole Foods lately and see
what they charge for arugula? I mean, they're charging a lot of money for
this stuff.") Goodness, is there a single Whole Foods anywhere between
Dubuque and Sioux City?
He sounded out of his territory, like a Cub fan slumming in Comiskey Park,
home of the White Sox. When the Sox are having a good year, tourists from
the city's fashionable northern suburbs may brave the South Side to see how
the game is really played. One year, when fortune's favored motored down
from ivy-covered Wrigley Field in their Jaguars and insufferable little
Lacoste polo shirts, they were greeted by a huge banner unfurled from the
cheap seats: YUPPIE SCUM GO HOME.
The moral of the story: If a Democratic presidential candidate hopes to
mobilize the core of the old Roosevelt Coalition, aka Reagan Democrats, he
better not get caught exchanging class cliches with his rich buds in San
Francisco. Overheard in that upscale setting, Mister Beautiful didn't sound
so beautiful any more.
Back in the Iowa primary, which now seems years ago, Barack Obama's arugula
comment could be seen as just a slip, an understandable gaffe on the part of
a stranger in a strange land. But now one begins to wonder if it wasn't part
of a pattern, and if America itself isn't a strange land to this elegant
young stranger. Surely not. Surely he knows this country better than that.
Or will pretend to. |