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Saturday, October 27, 2007
Michael  Franc :: Townhall.com Columnist
Will Congress Permanantly Close The Intelligence Gap?
by Michael Franc
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Nevertheless, liberals fulminated. “We were stampeded,” senior House Judiciary Committee member Rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-N.Y.) charged, “by administration fear-mongering and deception into signing away our rights.”

Not surprisingly, the legislation Nadler championed would limit the type of foreign intelligence that may be acquired without court approval. As White House officials note, it would impose “additional, wide-ranging, burdensome oversight requirements” on intelligence analysts. Trained linguists and analysts are already hard to come by; this approach would force them through endless legal hoops. Federal judges would be charged with making “operational determinations” best left to field commanders. Because no intelligence may be collected while appeals are pending, their decisions would be all but final.

The ramifications were spelled in a frightening floor exchange between Reps. Heather Wilson (R-N.M.) and Dan Lungren (R-Calif.):

Wilson: “If the United States Government inadvertently collects a phone call [where] Osama bin Laden himself calls into the United States, and … we didn’t expect him to call in to America, and we get lucky and we pick it up, and that phone call says to one of his cells in the United States, ‘Tomorrow is the day. Blow up the Sears Tower in Chicago,’ is it my understanding that under this bill … the intelligence agents couldn’t even tell law enforcement about that?”

Lungren: “Unless that cell had already been identified by us, we knew who they were, [and] we had already gotten legal permission to do that, we wouldn’t be able to do that.”

Wilson’s hypothetical example shouldn’t be dismissed. My colleague James Carafano has listed the 16 known terrorist plots, involving 57 admitted and accused terrorists, that have been thwarted since Sept. 11. At least a dozen of them seem to have an international connection that could have involved intercepted international communications. Some, such as the terrorist cell arrested in August 2004 for plotting to use a radiological “dirty bomb” to unleash a “memorable black day of terror” against leading financial targets, could have killed thousands.

This prompts a good question from Rep. Rodney Frelinghuysen (R-N.J.). “Why are we on the floor debating … legislation that essentially amounts to unilateral disarmament on our part?”

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About The Author

A long-time veteran of Washington policymaking, Mike Franc oversees Heritage's outreach to members of the U.S. House and Senate and their staffs.

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The $64,000 question
from Rep. Rodney Frelinghuysen (R-N.J.). “Why are we on the floor debating … legislation that essentially amounts to unilateral disarmament on our part?”

Says it all about our liberal moonbat friends. This is a nonissue that doesn't even warrant discussion.


whopulled7 (2)
(Sorry if this posts twice)

The issue for me is the POTENTIAL for such abuse built in to the practice of exceeding one's authority. The better course would be to revise the standards for FISA Court supervision, so that in the case of counterterrorism intelligence monitoring, what we now call "getting a warrant" would operate more flexibly, and faster, while preserving the essence of its purpose: assuring judicial branch supervision of an easily abused power wielded by the executive branch.

There are reasons why the process needs to be more flexible, and faster; too long to go into here. But I would like to see conservatives line up behind the need for supervision, rather than being as willing as many are to do without it. This issue is used as a political football by both sides; but the bottom line is, we need phone monitoring to be flexible, and we also need it to be reliably supervised. We should focus on making the rules fit the problem, rather than beating each other up with the ones that don't fit.
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