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Wednesday, May 06, 2009
Austin Bay :: Townhall.com Columnist
Recalling May 1989
by Austin Bay
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In May 1989, I recalled Kiraly's desperate 1956 experience along the Hungarian-Austrain border when I read that Hungarian border guards had snipped the barbed wire dividing the two nations. Change? Within days, thousands of Eastern Europeans, the majority of the initial wave East Germans, began fleeing to Hungary, hoping to move on to freedom in the West.

By the end of the summer of 1989, that border was entirely open. On Nov. 9, 1989, the Berlin Wall cracked.

Definite change -- a grand and gratifying change.

But in May 1989, the outcome remained uncertain, as years of living on the thermonuclear brink tempered optimism. The next seven months produced a political and emotional rollercoaster, with bouts of elation followed by dread that the Russians would once again send tanks to close the borders.

The Russians didn't. The reasons are complex. A state-run economy inevitably produces shared poverty for all but the political elites. Russia had created a one-dimensional superpower, military might without economic muscle and cultural magnetism. The Kremlin had also suffered a stinging political defeat in 1983. In the late 1970s, the Soviets began deploying offensive SS-20 ballistic missiles in Eastern Europe. In response, NATO pursued a "dual track" strategy -- it would negotiate to remove the SS-20s but would deploy its own missiles if the Soviets refused.

By 1983, "dual-track" had failed. Despite tantrums by Moscow and the protest shenanigans of leftist sympathizers and Western "peace" organizations, Ronald Reagan deployed U.S. cruise and Pershing 2 ballistic missiles, militarily and politically countering the Russian threat. The "Euromissile Crisis" was a blatant attempt to crush Western European resolve and shatter NATO -- two blows that would have crushed Eastern Europeans' hope for freedom. In many respects, it was the last big political battle of the Cold War.

The United States is often knocked as shortsighted and irresolute, but U.S. Cold War policy was remarkably consistent and resolute. The Truman administration made several prescient strategic decisions (see NSC-68). The Eisenhower administration's refinement of "containment" (NSC-161/2) is a superb example of a new administration shouldering the burden of a long struggle. And in May 1989, that perseverance set the conditions for change.

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About The Author

Austin Bay Austin Bay is author of three novels. His third novel, The Wrong Side of Brightness, was published by Putnam/Jove in June 2003. He has also co-authored four non-fiction books, to include A Quick and Dirty Guide to War: Third Edition (with James Dunnigan, Morrow, 1996).
 
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For Joel (NV) and john (VA)
Actually, Truman didn't have the guts to really contain the enemies (despite of his ordering nuking of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which were culmination of plans laid by his predecessor FDR--who DID have such guts) as he showed later in Korea by withdrawing MacArthur.

Dhimmi Carter, had he been POTUS in 1945 instead of Truman, would have snatched defeat from inevitable victory (I showed in response to other columns how if Dhimmi had been Canada's PM in 1970, the October Crisis would have ended with a far-worse result). Oblunder showed evidence by 2009/02/28 that he would likely be worse than Carter (by going to Ottawa with almsbowl, and signalling to NATO summit via Gates that he was willing to surrender Afghanistan BACK to Taliban--whom Bush 43 ousted from power--equivalent to a hypothetical 1945 placing Tojo back in power in Tokyo, and Göring in Berlin), and removed all doubt about it by 2009/03/31!

Truman Proved Himself
Harry could pursue containment because our enemies knew he would nuke them if they crossed him. He had already stood up to the bullies. Neither Carter nor BHO has that kind of track record.
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